Nicholas II of Russia (18 May [O.S. 6 May] 1868 – 17 July [O.S. 4 July] 1918) (Russian: ??????́? II, Nikolay II) was the last Emperor of Russia, King of Poland,[1] and Grand Duke of Finland. He ruled from 1894 until his forced abdication in 1917. Nicholas proved unable to manage a country in political turmoil and command its army in World War I. His rule ended with the Russian Revolution of 1917, after which he and his family were executed by Bolsheviks. Nicholas's full name was Nikolay Aleksandrovich Romanov (??????́? ??????́??????? ????́???). His official title was Nicholas II, Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias. He is sometimes referred to as Nicholas the Martyr due to his execution and as Bloody Nicholas because of the tragic events during his coronation and his government's suppression of dissent. Subsequent to his canonization, he has been regarded as Saint Nicholas The Passion Bearer by the Russian Orthodox Church.

Following the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria by Gavrilo Princip, a member of the Serb nationalist association known as the Black Hand, in Sarajevo on June 28, 1914, Nicholas vacillated as to Russia's course. The rising ideas of Pan-Slavism had led Russia to issue treaties of protection to Serbia. Nicholas wanted neither to abandon Serbia to the ultimatum of Austria-Hungary, nor to provoke a general war. In a series of letters exchanged with the German Kaiser (the so-called "Willy and Nicky correspondence") the two proclaimed their desire for peace, and each attempted to get the other to back down. Nicholas took stern measures in this regard, demanding that Russia's mobilization be only against the Austrian border, in the hopes of preventing war with the German Empire. It proved too late for personal communications to determine the course of events.

The Russians had no contingency plans for a partial mobilization, and on July 31, 1914, Nicholas, under political pressure from abroad, and military pressure at home, took the fateful step of confirming the order for a general mobilization. As Germany and Austria-Hungary had mutual defense treaties in place, this led almost immediately to a German mobilization and declaration of war, and the outbreak of World War I.

The outbreak of war on August 1, 1914, found Russia grossly unprepared, yet an immediate attack was ordered against the German province of East Prussia. The Germans mobilized there with great efficiency and completely defeated the two Russian armies which had invaded. The Russian armies, however, later had considerable success against both the Austro-Hungarian armies and against the forces of the Ottoman Empire.

Gradually a war of attrition set in on the vast Eastern Front, where the Russians were facing the combined forces of the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires, and they suffered staggering losses. Nicholas, feeling that it was his duty, and that his personal presence would inspire his troops, decided to lead his army directly. He assumed the role of commander-in-chief after dismissing his cousin from that position, the highly respected and experienced Nikolai Nikolaevich (September 1915) following the loss of the Russian Kingdom of Poland.

His efforts to oversee the war left domestic issues essentially in the hands of Alexandra. As a German she was unpopular, and the Duma was constantly calling for political reforms. Political unrest continued throughout the war. Cut off from public opinion, Nicholas did not understand how suspicious the common people were of his wife, who was also the victim of destructive rumours about her dependence on Grigori Rasputin. Nicholas had refused to censor the press and wild rumours and accusations about Alexandra and Rasputin appeared almost daily. Anger at the damage that Rasputin's influence was doing to Russia's war effort and to the monarchy led to his murder by a group of nobles, led by Prince Felix Yusupov, on December 16, 1916.

Aleksei Alekseevich Brusilov (Russian: ??????́? ??????́???? ?????́???) (August 19, 1853–March 17, 1926) was a Russian cavalry general most noted for the development of a military offensive tactic used in the Brusilov offensive of 1916. During the planning and preparations stages Brusilov's team created innovative methods of attack that anticipated Germany's effective infiltration tactics of 1918. The Brusilov offensive by the Russian 8th Army was one of the most important Russian campaigns during World War I, with Austria–Hungary losing a staggering total of 1.5 million men in its aftermath and 25,000 square kilometres of territory. According to the assessment of British Field-Marshall Bernard Montgomery, Brusilov was one of the seven outstanding fighting commanders of World War I (the others being Falkenhayn, Ludendorff, Mustapha Kemal, Plumer, Monash and Allenby).

Brusilov was born in Tiflis (now Tbilisi, Georgia). His father was Russian, his mother was Polish. He was educated at the Imperial Corps of Pages, and after entering the Russian Army served in the Russo–Turkish War, 1877–78. He was promoted to general in 1906. Brusilov served during World War I as a commander of the 8th Army, then later as a commander of the South-West Front, earning a reputation as Russia's most successful general. With the onset of revolution in Russia, Brusilov argued for the Tsar's abdication.

When Tsar Nicholas II abdicated in February 1917, the Provisional Government appointed Brusilov as Commander-in-Chief. In August that year he was dismissed, after finding himself isolated in a circle of political rivals that saw him as a traitor to the revolution.

Following the 1917 October Revolution and for the duration of the Russian Civil War Brusilov remained inactive. In 1920 he entered (perhaps compelled to, directly or indirectly) the Red Army service. Brusilov was a patriot, and he despised the presence of the Bolsheviks in power, but he saw in them a path for the Russian nation to rise as a Greater Russia, united and indivisible. The victorious Bolsheviks did after all, during and after the civil war, forcefully bring together the Russian borderlands under the centralised command of Moscow. This seemed to console Brusilov with the idea of joining the Red Army, as he always had postulated that sooner or later the Bolsheviks would be removed from power in favour of a stronger command with more favour from the people. Brusilov indeed, although sympathising with the White cause, did not support it because it was attacking Russia while the Red Army was opening a front against Polish invaders. He participated in the campaign against Poland, but did not occupy positions of significance, primarily serving as a military consultant and inspector of cavalry for the next four years.

After being finally allowed to retire at the age of seventy, he lived in his shared apartment with his sickly wife and another couple. He died in Moscow from heart paralysis, and was given an honorable state funeral, buried in the Novodevichy Convent, by representatives from the 'new Russia' (the Bolsheviks), and the 'old Russia' (the clergy, the remaining bourgeoisie). Brusilov's wife thought the funeral had a symbolic meaning, that the 'old Russia' was being buried by the 'new'. In any case, it was a funeral with emblems from both worlds, which successfully rounded up the feelings of this curiously mixed up man who rose to be the most successful Russian First World War general. Brusilov's war memoirs were translated into English and published in 1930 as A Soldier's Notebook, 1914–1918.

Georges Clemenceau (Mouilleron-en-Pareds (Vendée), 28 September 1841 – 24 November 1929) was a French statesman, physician and journalist. He led France during World War I and was one of the major voices behind the Treaty of Versailles.

When World War I broke out in 1914 Clemenceau refused to act as justice minister under the French Prime Minister Rene Viviani.

When Clemenceau became Prime Minister in 1917 victory seemed to be a long way off. There was little activity on the Western Front because it was believed that there should be limited attacks until the American support arrived in 1919. At this time, Italy was on the defensive, Russia had virtually stopped fighting – and it was believed they would be making a separate peace with Germany. At home the government had to combat defeatism, treason and espionage. They also had to handle increasing demonstrations against the war, scarcity of resources and air raids – which were causing huge physical damage to Paris as well as damaging the morale of its citizens. It was also believed that many politicians secretly wanted peace. It was a challenging situation for Clemenceau, because after years of criticising other men during the war, he suddenly found himself in a position of supreme power. He was also isolated politically. He did not have close links with any parliamentary leaders (especially after years of criticism) and so had to rely on himself and his own circle of friends.

Clemenceau’s ascension to power meant little to the men in the trenches at first. They thought of him as ‘Just another Politician’, and the monthly assessment of troop morale found that only a minority found comfort in his appointment. Slowly, however, as time passed, the confidence he inspired in a few began to grow throughout all the fighting men. They were encouraged by his many visits to the trenches. This confidence began to spread from the trenches to the home front and it was said “We believed in Clemenceau rather in the way that our ancestors believed in Joan of Arc.”

Clemenceau was also well received by the media because they felt that France was in need for strong leadership. It was widely recognised that throughout the war he was never discouraged and he never stopped believing that France could achieve total victory. There were sceptics, however, that believed that Clemenceau, like other war time leaders, would have a short time in office. It was said that “Like everyone else … Clemenceau will not last long- only long enough to clean up [the war].”

He supported the policy of total war – “We present ourselves before you with the single thought of total war” – and the policy of guerre jusqu'au bout (war until the end). One of his speeches advocating these policies was so effective it left a vivid impression on Winston Churchill. These policies promised victory with justice, loyalty to the fighting men and immediate and severe punishment of crimes against France. Joseph Cailleaux, a German appeaser and former French prime minister, adamantly disagreed with Clemenceau’s policies. Cailleaux was an avid believer in negotiated peace – which could only be achieved by surrendering to Germany. Clemenceau believed that Cailleaux was a threat to national security and that if France were to be victorious, his challenge had to be overcome. Unlike previous ministers, Clemenceau was not afraid to act against Cailleaux. It was decided by the parliamentary committee that he would be arrested and imprisoned for three years. Clemenceau believed, in the words of Jean Ybarnégaray, that Cailleaux’s crime “was not to have believed in victory [and] to have gambled on his nations defeat”.

It was believed by some in Paris that the arrest of Cailleaux and others was a sign that Clemenceau had begun a Reign of Terror in the style adopted by Robespierre. This was only really believed by the enemies of Clemenceau, but the many trials and arrests aroused great public excitement, one newspaper ironically reported “The war must be over, for no one is talking about it anymore”. These trials, far from making the public fear the government, inspired confidence as the they felt that for the first time in the war, action was being taken and they were being firmly governed. Although there were accusations that Clemenceau’s ‘firm government’ was actually a dictatorship, the claims were not supported. Clemenceau was still held accountable to the people and media and he relaxed censorship on political views as he believed that newspapers had the right to criticize political figures - “The right to insult members of the government is inviolable”. The only powers that Clemenceau assumed were those that he thought necessary to win the war.

In 1918, Clemenceau thought that France should adopt Woodrow Wilson’s fourteen points, despite believing that some were utopian, mainly because one of the points called for the return of the disputed territory of Alsace-Lorraine to France. This meant that victory would fulfil one war aim that was very close to the hearts of the French people. Clemenceau was also very sceptical about the League of Nations. He believed that it would succeed only in a utopian society – The league of Nations.

As war minister Clemenceau was also in close contact with his generals. Although it was necessary for these meetings to take place, they were not always beneficial as he did not always make the most effective decisions concerning military issues. He did, however, mostly heed the advice of the more experienced generals. As well as talking strategy with the generals he also went to the trenches to see the Poilu , the French infantrymen. He wanted to talk to them and assure them that their government was actually looking after them. The Poilu had great respect for Clemenceau and his disregard for danger as he often visited soldiers only yards away from German frontlines. These visits to the trenches contributed to Clemenceau’s title Le Père de la Victoire (Father of Victory).

On 21 March the Germans began their great spring offensive. The Allies were caught off guard as they were waiting for the majority of the American troops to arrive. As the Germans advanced on the 24th of March, the British Fifth army retreated and a gap was created in the British/French lines - giving them access to Paris. This defeat cemented Clemenceau’s belief, and that of the other allies, that a coordinated, unified command was the best option. It was decided that Foch would be appointed to the supreme command.

The German line continued to advance and Clemenceau believed that they could not rule out the fall of Paris. It was believed that if ‘the tiger’ as well as Foch and Pétain stayed in power, for even another week, France would be lost. It was thought that a government headed by Briand would be beneficial to France because he would make peace with Germany on advantageous terms. Clemenceau adamantly opposed these opinions and he gave an inspirational speech to parliament and ‘the chamber’ voted their confidence in him 377 votes to 110.

Joseph Jacques Césaire Joffre (January 12, 1852 - January 3, 1931) was a Catalan French general who became prominent in the battles of World War I. His popularity at the outbreak of that war led to his nickname Papa Joffre.

Joffre was born in Rivesaltes, Roussillon. He joined the École polytechnique in 1870 and became a career officer. He first saw active service during the siege of Paris in the Franco-Prussian War, but spent much of his career in the colonies as a military engineer. He returned to France and was made commander-in-chief of the French Army (1911), after Joseph Gallieni declined the post. With the revival of the army and a purge of "defensive-minded" officers he adopted the strategy devised by Ferdinand Foch, the offensive known as Plan XVII. Joffre was selected to command despite never having commanded an Army, even on paper; being slow-witted; and "having no knowledge whatever of General Staff work".

At the outbreak of war, the French plan clashed with the German Schlieffen Plan, much to the detriment of the French. Joffre helped to retrieve the situation through retreat and counterattack at the First Battle of the Marne. He combined the French 9th and 10th armies into the French 6th army in under two weeks before turning it over to Joseph Gallieni in the First Battle of the Marne. Following the enormous losses at Verdun and the Anglo-French offensive at the Somme he was replaced by General Robert Nivelle on December 13, 1916.

Still popular, Joffre was made a Marshal of France, the first man to receive that rank under the Third Republic, but his role was little more than ceremonial. He was head of the French military mission to the USA in 1917 and leader of the Supreme War Council in 1918. In 1918, Mount Joffre in Western Canada was named after him. He retired in 1919 and was made a member of the French Academy.

In 1920 Joffre presided over the Jocs Florals in Barcelona, a Catalan literary certamen.

Ferdinand Foch OM GCB (October 2, 1851 – March 20, 1929) was a French soldier, military theorist, and author credited with possessing "the most original and subtle mind in the French Army" in the early 20th century.[1] He served as general in the French Army during World War I and was made Marshal of France in its final year, 1918. Shortly after the start of the Spring Offensive, Germany's final attempt to win the war, Foch was chosen as supreme commander of the allied armies during World War I, a position that he held until November 11, 1918, when he accepted the German Surrender.

He advocated peace terms that would make Germany unable to ever pose a threat to France again. His words after the Treaty of Versailles, “This is not a peace. It is an armistice for 20 years,” would prove prophetic.

On the outbreak of the war, Foch was in command of XX Corps, part of the Second Army of General de Castelnau. On August 14 the corps advanced, taking heavy casualties, towards the Sarrebourg-Morhange line. The defeat of XV Corps to its right forced it into retreat, however. Foch acquitted himself well here and managed to cover the withdrawal to Nancy and the Charmes Gap and managed to counter-attack and prevent the Germans from crossing the Meurthe.

He was then selected to command the newly formed Ninth Army, which he was to command during the Battle of the Marne and the Race to the Sea. With his Chief of Staff Maxime Weygand, Foch managed to do this while the whole French Army was in full retreat. Only a week after taking command of 9th Army, he was forced to fight a series of defensive actions to prevent a German breakthrough. It was then that he spoke the famous words: "I am hard pressed on my right; my centre is giving way; situation excellent; I am attacking." His counter-attack was an implementation of the theories he had developed during his staff college days and succeeded in stopping the German advance. Foch received further reinforcements from the Fifth Army and, following another attack on his army, counter-attacked again on the Marne. The Germans dug in before eventually retreating. He had been instrumental in stopping the great retreat and stabilising the Allied position.

Foch's successes gained him a further promotion, on October 4, when he was appointed Deputy Commander-in-Chief with responsibility for the Northern Army Group. When the Germans attacked on October 13, they narrowly failed to break through the British and French lines. They tried again at the end of the month during the First Battle of Ypres; this time suffering terrible casualties. Foch had again succeeded in co-ordinating a defence and winning against the odds. In October 1914, he was appointed to joint commander in chief with General Joffre. In 1915, he conducted the Artois Offensive, and, in 1916, the Battle of the Somme. He was strongly criticised for his tactics and the heavy casualties that were suffered by the Allied armies during these battles, and in December 1916 was removed from command, by General Joffre, and sent to command in Italy; Joffre was himself sacked days later.

Just a few months later, after the failure of General Nivelle, he was recalled and promoted to Chief of the General Staff under General Petain.

On March 26, 1918, Foch was appointed Allied Supreme Commander with the title of Généralissime ("supreme General") with the job of co-ordinating the activities of the Allied armies. Despite being surprised by the German offensive on the Chemin des Dames, Foch prevented the advance of the German forces during the great Spring Offensive of 1918 at the Second Battle of Marne in July 1918. On 6 August 1918, Foch was made Marshal of France. Along with the British commander Marshal Haig, Foch planned the Grand Offensive, opening on September 26, 1918, which led to the defeat of Germany. Foch accepted the German surrender in November. On the day of the armistice, he was elected to the Académie des Sciences. Ten days later, he was unanimously elected to the Académie française.

Robert Georges Nivelle (October 15, 1857–March 22, 1924) was a French military commander during World War I.

Born in Tulle, France, to a French father and English mother, Nivelle graduated from the École Polytechnique in 1878 and served in Indochina, Algeria, and China as an artillery officer. He rose in rank from sub-lieutenant in 1878 to regimental colonel in December 1913, which he held at the start of the war in August 1914. A gifted artilleryman, the intense fire he was able to maintain played a key part in stopping German attacks during the Alsace Offensive early in the war, the First Battle of the Marne (September 5–10, 1914) and the First Battle of the Aisne (September 15–18, 1914). He received a promotion to Brigadier General in October 1914. A chief assistant to Philippe Pétain at Verdun, his success while commanding the forces that recaptured Douaumont and other forts at Verdun led to him being given command of the Verdun sector in 1916.

Nivelle was an exponent of aggressive tactics, arguing that by using a creeping barrage he could end the war on the Western Front. His ideas were popular with the besieged Aristide Briand, the French Prime Minister and in December 13, 1916 Nivelle replaced Joseph Joffre as Commander-in-Chief of the French Army. He devised a grand plan to win the war in 1917. This involved a British attack to draw in German reserves, followed by a massive general French attack aimed at the Arras–Soissons–Reims salient. However, Nivelle was willing to talk about his plan to anyone who asked, including journalists, while the Germans captured copies of the battle plan left in French trenches; consequently the element of surprise was lost. When launched in April 1917, the Aisne campaign (Nivelle Offensive) was a failure. He continued with the strategy until the French Army began to mutiny.

Nivelle was relieved on May 15, 1917 and replaced as Commander-in-Chief by Pétain, who restored the fighting capacity of the French forces. He was reassigned to North Africa in December 1917, where he spent the rest of his military career before retiring in 1921.

Herbert Henry Asquith, 1st Earl of Oxford and Asquith, KG, PC (12 September 1852 – 15 February 1928) served as the Liberal Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1908 to 1916. During his lifetime he was known as H. H. Asquith before his accession to the peerage and as Lord Oxford afterwards.

The Asquith government became involved in an expensive naval arms race with the German Empire and began an extensive social welfare programme (See Liberal reforms), introducing government pensions in 1908. The social welfare programme proved controversial, and Asquith's government faced severe (and sometimes barely legal) resistance from the Conservative Party. This came to a head in 1909, when David Lloyd George, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, produced a deliberately provocative "People's Budget". The Conservatives, determined to stop passage, used their majority in the House of Lords to reject the bill. The Lords did not traditionally interfere with finance bills and their actions thus provoked a constitutional crisis, forcing the country to a general election in January 1910.

The election resulted in a hung parliament, with the Liberals having two more seats than the Conservatives, but lacking an overall majority. The Liberals formed a minority government with the support of the Irish Nationalists, but a second election was forced in December. This election resulted in a hung parliament too. However, the minority Liberal government survived until 25 May 1915 when a coalition with the Conservatives was formed.

The radical solution in this situation was to threaten to have King Edward VII pack the House of Lords with freshly-minted Liberal peers, who would override the Lords' veto. With the Conservatives remaining recalcitrant in spring of 1910, Asquith began contemplating such an option. King Edward VII agreed to do so, after another general election, but he avoided the whole situation by dying on 6 May 1910. His son, King George V, was reluctant to have his first act in office be the carrying out of such a drastic attack on the aristocracy and it required all of Asquith's considerable powers to convince him to make the promise. This the King finally did before the second election of 1910, in December.

The Liberals again won, though their majority was now dependent on peers from Ireland, who had their own price. Nonetheless, Asquith was able to curb the powers of the House of Lords through the Parliament Act 1911, which essentially broke the power of the House of Lords. The Lords could now delay, but not defeat outright, a bill passed by the Commons. The price of Irish support in this effort was the Third Irish Home Rule Bill, which Asquith delivered in legislation that was ultimately suspended owing to the outbreak of World War I in 1914. Asquith's efforts over Irish Home Rule nearly provoked a civil war in Ireland over Ulster, only averted by the outbreak of a European war. Asquith declared war on the German Empire on August 4, 1914 in response to the German invasion of Belgium, as the 1839 Treaty of London had committed the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to guard Belgium's neutrality in the event of invasion.

Asquith headed the Liberal government into the war. However following a Cabinet split in May 1915, caused by the Shell Crisis, he became head of a new coalition government, bringing senior figures from the Opposition into the Cabinet. But his performance over the conduct of the war dissatisfied certain Liberals and the Conservative Party. Opponents partially blamed a series of political and military disasters (including the failed offensives at the 1915 Battle of Gallipoli and the 1916 Battle of the Somme) and the Easter Rising in Ireland (April 1916) on Asquith. Acting to displace the Prime Minister, David Lloyd George managed to split the Liberals and, on December 5, 1916, Asquith resigned. Lloyd George became head of the coalition two days later.

David Lloyd George, 1st Earl Lloyd George of Dwyfor, OM, PC (17 January 1863 – 26 March 1945) was a British statesman who guided Britain and the British Empire through World War I and the postwar settlement as the Liberal Party Prime Minister, 1916-1922.

According to his political opponents in the Liberal Party he maneuvered to replace Asquith as Prime Minister of a new wartime coalition government between the Liberals and the Conservatives, but his allies argued that Asquith's loss of the leadership was brought about by his own failures as a leader. The result was a split of the Liberal Party into two factions; those who supported Asquith and those who supported the coalition government. His support from the Unionists was critical, and he ruled almost as a president. In his War Memoirs, he compared himself to Asquith:

There are certain indispensable qualities essential to the Chief Minister of the Crown in a great war. . . . Such a minister must have courage, composure, and judgment. All this Mr. Asquith possessed in a superlative degree. . . . But a war minister must also have vision, imagination and initiative--he must show untiring assiduity, must exercise constant oversight and supervision of every sphere of war activity, must possess driving force to energize this activity, must be in continuous consultation with experts, official and unofficial, as to the best means of utilising the resources of the country in conjunction with the Allies for the achievement of victory. If to this can be added a flair for conducting a great fight, then you have an ideal War Minister.

After December 6, 1916, despite occupying the Premiership Lloyd George was not all powerful, being dependent on the support of Conservatives for his continuance in power. This was reflected in the make-up of his 5-member war cabinet, which as well as himself included the Conservative Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Lords, Lord Curzon; Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons, Andrew Bonar Law; and Minister without Portfolio, Lord Milner. The fifth member, Arthur Henderson, was the unofficial representative of the Labour Party. This accounts for Lloyd George's inability to establish complete personal control over military strategy, as Churchill did in the Second World War, and accounted for some of the most costly military blunders of the war. Nevertheless the War Cabinet was a very successful innovation. It met almost daily, with Sir Maurice Hankey as secretary, and made all major political, military, economic and diplomatic decisions. Rationing was finally imposed in early 1918 and was limited to meat, sugar and fats (butter and oleo) – but not bread; the new system worked smoothly. From 1914 to 1918 trade union membership doubled, from a little over four million to a little over eight million. Work stoppages and strikes became frequent in 1917-18 as the unions expressed grievances regarding prices, liquor control, pay disputes, "dilution," fatigue from overtime and from Sunday work, and inadequate housing.

Conscription put into uniform nearly every physically fit man, six million out of ten million eligible. Of these about 750,000 lost their lives and 1,700,000 were wounded. Most deaths were to young unmarried men; however 160,000 wives lost husbands and 300,000 children lost fathers.

The originality and creativity of the many organizations and systems which Lloyd George created to fight the First World War is demonstrated by the fact that most were replicated when war came again in 1939. As Lord Beaverbrook remarked, 'There were no signposts to guide Lloyd George.'

Field Marshal Douglas Haig, 1st Earl Haig, KT, GCB, OM, GCVO, KCIE, ADC (June 19, 1861 – January 28, 1928) was a British soldier and senior commander (Field Marshal) during World War I. He was commander of the British Expeditionary Force during the Battle of the Somme and the 3rd Battle of Ypres. His tenure as commander of the BEF made Haig one of the most controversial military commanders in British history.

Upon the outbreak of war in August 1914, Haig helped organise the British Expeditionary Force, commanded by Field Marshal John French. As planned, Haig's Aldershot command was formed into I Corps, giving him command of half of the BEF. Tensions quickly arose between Haig and French. Haig and Lord Kitchener, who was now Secretary of State for War, clashed with French over the positioning of the BEF. French argued to the war council that it should be positioned in Belgium, where he had confidence in the country's many fortresses, while Haig and Kitchener proposed that the BEF would be better positioned to counter-attack in Amiens, stating that the BEF would have to abandon its positions in Belgium once the poorly-equipped Belgian Army collapsed, forcing the BEF into retreat with the loss of much of its supplies. During a royal inspection of Aldershot, Haig told King George V that he had "grave doubts" about French's competence.

The BEF landed in France on 14 August and advanced into Belgium, where John French intended to meet General Lanrezac's French Fifth Army at Charleroi. During the advance the BEF experienced their first encounter with the Germans at Mons on 23 August. The Germans were bloodied in the battle but the BEF began a withdrawal after Lanzerac ordered his army into retreat exposing the BEF's right flank.

The retreats of I and II Corps had to be conducted separately because of the Forest of Mormal. Both corps were supposed to meet at Le Cateau but I Corps under Haig got no further than Landrecies, leaving a large gap between the two corps. Haig's reactions to his corps' skirmish with German forces at Landrecies led to him sending an exaggerated report to John French, causing French to panic. The following day 26 August, Horace Smith-Dorrien's II Corps had to make a stand at Le Cateau unsupported by Haig. This battle further delayed Germany's advance. The French commander Joseph Joffre had ordered his forces to retreat to the Marne on 25 August, compelling the BEF to undertake a lengthy and arduous withdrawal to conform to the French movements. John French's faltering belief in the competence of his Allies caused further indecision and led to him deciding to pull the BEF out of the war by withdrawing south of the Seine. Lord Kitchener intervened on 1 September, making a visit to dissuade French and order him to continue cooperation with Joffre's forces. The stand to defend Paris began on 5 September, in the Battle of the Marne. The BEF weren't able to participate in the battle until 9 September. The battle ended the following day; the German advance was defeated, prompting them to initiate a withdrawal to the Aisne that signified the abandonment of the Schlieffen Plan.

Following defensive successes at Battle of Mons and Ypres (1st Battle of Ypres), Haig was promoted to full General and made second-in-command of the British forces in France under Sir John French. In December 1915, Haig replaced French as Commander-in-Chief of the BEF, with French returning to Britain to head the Home forces. Haig had been intriguing for the removal of French as commander of the BEF and had told King George V that French was "a source of great weakness to the army and no one had confidence in him any more". He directed several British campaigns, including the British offensive at the Somme, in which the forces under his command sustained over 300,000 casualties taking little ground but inflicting casualties on the German army it could not afford and the campaign at Passchendaele (3rd Battle of Ypres). Haig's tactics in these battles are still considered controversial by many, including the then Prime Minister Lloyd George, arguing that he incurred unnecessarily large casualties for little tactical gain. In 1917, however, Haig was made a field marshal.

In 1918, following the final German assault, Haig's forces had much success prior to the German collapse and the end of the war. The French, American and Belgian armies combined captured 196,700 prisoners-of-war and 3,775 German guns between July 18 and the end of the war. Haig's forces, with a smaller army than the French, captured 188,700 prisoners and 2,840 guns. The military historian Gary Sheffield has called this 'by far the greatest military victory in British history'.[1]

Haig had frequent disagreements and strained relations with both his Prime Minister and his French counterparts, particularly Robert Nivelle and Ferdinand Foch. He also had a rivalry of sorts with General Edmund Allenby dating back to their service in the Boer War, and was instrumental in having him transferred to the Middle East.

Admiral of the Fleet John Rushworth Jellicoe, 1st Earl Jellicoe, GCB, OM, GCVO, (December 5, 1859–November 20, 1935) was a British Royal Navy admiral.

He was born in Southampton into a sea-faring family. He joined the Royal Navy as a cadet in 1872. His first active service was during the Egyptian War of 1882. He was appointed to the Admiralty in 1888.

Jellicoe was an intelligent and dedicated officer. Popular with his crews, he was very concerned with the well-being and morale of his sailors. He was also a micromanager, driving himself to the point of exhaustion at times.

Promoted to commander in 1891, Jellicoe was the executive officer (i.e. second in command) of HMS Victoria when she was accidentally rammed and sunk with heavy loss of life in the Mediterranean in 1893.

Jellicoe had a number of commands in the 1890s, and, in 1900, he was part of the command for the land relief of Beijing during the Boxer Rebellion, the First Peking Relief Expedition. He showed conspicuous bravery at this time and was seriously wounded.

Under John Fisher, Jellicoe was Director of Naval Ordnance (1905-1907) and then Controller of the Navy (1908-1910). He pushed hard for funds to modernise the navy, supporting the construction of new designs of dreadnought and submarine. Jellicoe became very knowledgeable about his profession, much more so than most of his contemporaries, especially appreciating the strong points of the German navy.

He supported F. C. Dreyer's improvements in gunnery fire-control systems, and favoured the adoption of Dreyer's "Fire Control Table", a form of mechanical computer for calculating firing solutions for warships.

In a letter to Admiral Fisher, 4 December 1911, Admiral Francis Bridgeman gave a shrewd summation of Jellicoe's most serious faults as he saw them at the time of his next promotion:

"Directly I go, up he comes automatically to command of the 2nd Division, and a splendid opportunity for him! He has no experience of fleet work on a big scale, and is so extremely anxious about the work in it, that he really does too much. He must learn to work his captains and staff more, and himself less! At present he puts himself in the position of, say, a glorified gunnery lieutenant. This will not do when he gets a big fleet. He must trust his staff and captains, and if they don’t fit, he must kick them out! I am sure you will agree with me on this view, and I wish, if you get the opportunity, you would drop him a hint. He would take it from you, but perhaps not from me."

In 1911 Jellicoe became deputy to George Callaghan, the Commander of the Home Fleet. At the start of World War I, August 4, 1914, Callaghan was prematurely put on the shelf by Winston Churchill. Jellicoe was promoted to command the renamed Grand Fleet in his place, though he was appalled by the treatment of Callaghan. Churchill described Jellicoe later as 'the only man on either side who could lose the war in an afternoon'.

Jellicoe was in command of the British fleet at the Battle of Jutland (1916), the greatest clash of big-gun armoured warships ever. His handling of the Grand Fleet during the Battle remains controversial, with some historians faulting the battle cruiser commander, Admiral David Beatty, and others criticizing Jellicoe. However, Jellicoe certainly made no significant mistakes during the battle. The worst that can be said is that he overestimated the danger from a massed attack by enemy destroyers. At Jutland his Flag-Captain aboard the Flagship HMS Iron Duke was Dreyer.

He was made First Sea Lord in November 1916. He was rather abruptly dismissed from this post in 1917 by the new First Lord of the Admiralty, Sir Eric Geddes and was succeeded by Rosslyn Wemyss, then by David Beatty.

Jellicoe was made a Viscount in 1918 and became Governor-General of New Zealand from September 1920 to November 1924. On his return to England in 1925, he was made an Earl. He died in November, 1935 and his estate was probated at 13,370 pounds sterling. He was succeeded in the Earldom by his only son George, then styled Viscount Brocas.

Jellicoe was a controversial figure after the war in British naval circles, with persons tending to be supporters of him or of Beatty. Part of his problem was a reluctance to engage in the political manoeuvring needed in such a post.

A bust of Jellicoe rests on Trafalgar Square in London, alongside those of Beatty and Andrew Cunningham, Admiral of the Fleet in World War II. A blue plaque stands on the wall of his house in Blacklands Terrace, Chelsea, London.

Victor Emmanuel III (Italian: Vittorio Emanuele III; 11 November 1869 – 28 December 1947) was King of Italy (29 July 1900 – 9 May 1946), Emperor of Ethiopia (1936 - 1943) and King of Albania (1939 - 1943). During his long reign, Victor Emmanuel III saw two world wars and the birth of Fascism.

When World War I, Italy remained neutral at first. However, in 1915, Italy signed several secret treaties committing to enter the war on the side of the Allies. Most of the people opposed war, however, and the Italian Chamber of Deputies forced Prime Minister Antonio Salandra to resign. Victor Emmanuel, however, declined Salandra's resignation and made the decision to enter the war himself. He legally had the right to make this decision under the Statuto Albertino, popular opposition to the war notwithstanding. However, the corrupt and disorganised war effort, the stunning loss of life suffered by the Italian army, especially at the great defeat of Caporetto, and the economic depression that followed the war turned the King against what he perceived as an inefficient political bourgeoisie.

The economic depression had given rise to much extremism among the sorely-tried working classes, and Benito Mussolini took advantage of this instability for his rise to power, which led to the March on Rome. Prime Minister Luigi Facta and his cabinet drafted a decree of martial law, but the King refused to sign it. The King suggested that his armed forces could not have defended the city against the Fascist march, though testimony from the military leaders and surviving military records challenge his claim. The Commander-in-Chief of the defending forces in the Capital was finally ordered by the King, it is said, to remove the blocks and let the Camicie Nere (Black Shirts) pass-- an act that provoked the resignation of the Facta government. Later, the King's failure, in the face of mounting evidence, to move against the Mussolini regime's abuses of power (including, as early as 1924, the notorious assassination of Giacomo Matteotti and other opposition MPs) led to much criticism.

Born to General Raffaele Cadorna in Verbania Pallanza, Piedmont, after joining the Italian Army in 1866 Cadorna was offered the post of chief of staff for the first time in 1908, which he rejected due to the issue of political control during the war. He was again offered the position in July 1914. This time he accepted and began building up an army despite Italy’s declaration of neutrality. Cadorna expected war and so decided to concentrate the armed forces along the borders with Austria-Hungary. By the spring of 1915, Cadorna had four cavalry divisions and 25 infantry, and although there were only 120 heavy artillery pieces and 700 machine guns in the four armies.

Cadorna had basically no understanding of warfare and was notably totally blind to the event of the French-German front. Cadorna's operation plan was modeled after Napoleon's doctrine, his manouvre being focused on the road to Lubjana (65 km from the Austrian-Italian border), in the age of the machine gun it came to no surprise that the offensive come to a standstill after few kilometers. This mass attacks on Austria-Hungary in May 1915 basically complied with the requirements of the London Pact but brought no military success. It is remarkable the endurance of the Italian soldiers who managed to fight eleven consecutive battles under such a poor leadership, Cadorna continued to launch attacks despite the massive number of Italian casualties advancing overall of for a mere 20-25 km.

Casualties among the Italian Forces

Year Casualties Total forces

1915 231,860 984,000

1916 357,400 1,539,000

1917 461,240 2,197,000

In addition he authorized the execution of thousands of his own soldiers to eradicate what he called “cowardice”.

Cadorna was sacked after the disastrous defeat of Battle of Caporetto for which he may be held morally, if not factually, responsible due to his stubborness in refusing to considering any repositioning of the units on the face of evidence that the Austrian, reinforced by the Germans, were preparing for the counteroffensive. Here Germany decided to attack the Italians with Austria in October 1917. The Italians were caught by surprise and a combination of misty conditions and poison gas resulted in over 300,000 casualties.

After the war, there was an enquiry held by the Italian government to investigate the defeat at Caporetto. It was published in 1919 and was highly critical of Cardorna, at that time a bitter man busy in writing his memories who, quite obviously, claimed that he had no responsability for the defeat. Nevertheless, he was made a Field Marshal in 1924 when Mussolini gained power. It is worth noticeing that another co-author of the Caporetto disaster - Badoglio - was raised to command the Italian Fascist Army. It may be even said that the root cause of the Italian disaster in the 2 World War lies in the unlearned lesson of the 1 World War.

Britain appointed him an honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in 1915.

Armando Diaz (December 5, 1861–February 29, 1928) was an Italian general and a Marshal of Italy.

Born in Naples, Diaz began his military career as a student at the Military Academy of Turin, where he became an artillery officer. He was a colonel commanding the 93rd infantry during the Italo-Turkish War, and major general in 1914. On the outbreak of the World War I, he was assigned to the high command as head of the unit's operations under General Luigi Cadorna. He was promoted to 2-star general in June, 1916, and assumed the command of the 49th division and then the 23rd army corps.

The Battle of Caporetto, in October 1917, was disastrous to the army, and on November 8, 1917, he was called to succeed Cadorna as chief of general staff. Recovered what remained of the army, he organized the resistance on Mount Grappa and at the Battle of the Piave River. In 1918 he led the Italian troops in the Battle of Vittorio Veneto, and in his famous bollettino della Vittoria (Victory Address) he communicated the rout of the Austrian army and success of the Italians.

On November 1, 1921 Diaz was in Kansas City to take part in the groundbreaking ceremony for the Liberty Memorial that was being constructed there. Also present that day were Lieutenant General Baron Jacques of Belgium, Admiral David Beatty of Great Britain, Marshal Ferdinand Foch of France and General John J. Pershing of the United States. One of the main speakers was Vice President Calvin Coolidge of the United States. In 1935 bas-reliefs of Jacques, Foch, Diaz and Pershing by sculptor Walker Hancock were added to the memorial.

After the war Diaz became a senator and in 1921 was given title of Duca della Vittoria. Benito Mussolini named him Minister of War, and he was promoted to Field Marshal. Upon retirement, in 1924, he was given the honor of Marshal of Italy.

Franz Graf Conrad von Hötzendorf, or Count Francis Conrad von Hötzendorf. (November 11, 1852 – August 25, 1925) was an Austrian soldier and Chief of the General Staff of the Austro-Hungarian Army at the outbreak of World War I.

Hötzendorf had been one of the main proponents of war with Serbia in response to the assassination of Franz Ferdinand. However, despite his desire for the war, the Austrian army did not distinguish itself in its conduct of the war.

Hötzendorf often proposed unrealistically grandiose plans, disregarding the realities of terrain and climate. The plans that he drew up frequently under-estimated the power of the enemy. For example, the Serbian army proved far more effective than he had expected (see Serbian Campaign (WWI) for details). Also, his first offensives against Italy were remarkable for their lack of effect combined with massive human cost. His mistakes lead to the disastrous first year of war that crippled Austro-Hungarian military capabilities. The most disastrous defeat came in 1916, where the Austro-Hungarian Army, under his command lost nearly 1.5 million men in Brusilov Offensive, and was never again capable of mounting an offensive without German help. Most of Austria's military victories were possible only in conjunction with German armies, on whom his own army became increasingly dependent.

On the other hand, British historian Cyril Falls argues that Hötzendorf was probably the best strategist of the war and that his plans were brilliant in conception. The German generals in the east based most of their successful offensive operations on Hötzendorf's plans. (Cyril Falls, "The Great War", p. 36). To some he was known as a military genius.

Conrad von Hötzendorf was dismissed from his post at the end of 1917 by the new emperor, Karl, who favoured a negotiated peace with the entente powers.

In 1918 he was made a Graf, or Count, after previously being a baron.

William II or Wilhelm II (born Frederick William Albert Victor of Prussia; German: Friedrich Wilhelm Albert Viktor von Preußen) (27 January 1859–4 June 1941) was the last German Emperor and King of Prussia (German: Deutscher Kaiser und König von Preußen), ruling both the German Empire and Prussia from 15 June 1888 to 9 November 1918.

The role of William II in German history is sometimes a controversial issue in historical scholarship. Initially seen as an important, but embarrassing figure in German history until the late 1950s, for many years after that, the dominant view was that he had little or no influence on German policy leading up to the First World War. This has been challenged since the late 1970s, particularly by Professor John C. G. Röhl who saw William II as the key figure in understanding the recklessness and subsequent downfall of Imperial Germany.

William was a close friend of the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and he was deeply shocked by his assassination on June 28, 1914. William offered to support Austria-Hungary in crushing the Black Hand, the secret organization that had plotted the slaying, and even sanctioned the use of force by Austria against the perceived source of the movement—Serbia (this is often called "the blank check"). He wanted to remain in Berlin until the crisis was resolved, but his courtiers persuaded him instead to go on his annual cruise of the North Sea on July 6, 1914. It was perhaps realised that William's presence would be more of a hindrance to those elements in the government who wished to use the crisis to increase German prestige, even at the risk of general war — something of which William, for all his bluster, was extremely apprehensive.

William made erratic attempts to stay on top of the crisis via telegram, and when the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum was delivered to Serbia, he hurried back to Berlin. He reached Berlin on July 28, read a copy of the Serbian reply, and wrote on it:

"A brilliant solution--and in barely 48 hours! This is more than could have been expected. A great moral victory for Vienna; but with it every pretext for war falls to the ground, and [the Ambassador] Giesl had better have stayed quietly at Belgrade. On this document, I should never have given orders for mobilisation."[

Unknown to the Emperor, Austro-Hungarian ministers and generals had already convinced the 84-year-old Francis Joseph of Austria to sign a declaration of war against Serbia.

July 30-31, 1914

On the night of July 30-31, when handed a document stating that Russia would not cancel its mobilisation, William wrote a lengthy commentary containing the startling observations:

"For I no longer have any doubt that England, Russia and France have agreed among themselves--knowing that our treaty obligations compel us to support Austria--to use the Austro-Serb conflict as a pretext for waging a war of annihilation against us. ... Our dilemma over keeping faith with the old and honorable Emperor has been exploited to create a situation which gives England the excuse she has been seeking to annihilate us with a spurious appearance of justice on the pretext that she is helping France and maintaining the well-known Balance of Power in Europe, i.e. playing off all European States for her own benefit against us."[4]

When it had became clear that the United Kingdom would enter the war if Germany attacked France through Belgium, the panic-stricken William attempted to switch the main attack against Russia. When Helmuth von Moltke (the younger) told him that this was impossible, William said: "Your uncle would have given me a different answer!!."[5]

The Great War

It is difficult to argue that William actively sought to unleash the First World War. Though he had ambitions for the German Empire to be a world power, it was never William's intention to conjure a large-scale conflict to achieve such ends. As soon as his better judgment dictated that a world war was imminent, he made strenuous efforts to preserve the peace — such as the "Willy and Nicky" correspondence mentioned earlier, and his optimistic interpretation of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum that Austro-Hungarian troops should go no further than Belgrade, thus limiting the conflict. But by then it was far too late, for the eager military officials of Germany and the German Foreign Office were successful in persuading him to sign the mobilisation order and initiate the Schlieffen Plan. The contemporary British reference to the First World War as "the Kaiser's War" in the same way that the Second was "Hitler's War" is now seen as unfounded (and even somewhat unfair) in its suggestion that William was personally responsible for unleashing the conflict. Nevertheless, his own love of the culture and trappings of militarism and push to endorse the German military establishment and industry (most notably the Krupp corporation), which was the key support which enabled his dynasty to rule helped push his empire into an armaments race with competing European powers. Similarly, though on signing the mobilisation order, William is reported as having said "You will regret this, gentlemen", he had encouraged Austria to pursue a hard line with Serbia, was an enthusiastic supporter of the subsequent German actions during the war and revelled in the title of "Supreme War Lord".

The "Shadow-Kaiser"

The role of ultimate arbiter of wartime national affairs proved too heavy a burden for William to sustain. As the war progressed, his influence receded and inevitably his lack of ability in military matters led to an ever-increasing reliance upon his generals, so much that after 1916 the Empire had effectively become a military dictatorship under the control of Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff. Increasingly cut-off from reality and the political decision-making process, William vacillated between defeatism and dreams of victory, depending upon the fortunes of "his" armies. He remained a useful figurehead, and he toured the lines and munitions plants, awarded medals and gave encouraging speeches.

Nevertheless, William still retained the ultimate authority in matters of political appointment, and it was only after his consent had been gained that major changes to the high command could be effected. William was in favour of the dismissal of Helmuth von Moltke the Younger in September 1914 and his replacement by Erich von Falkenhayn. Similarly, William was instrumental in the policy of inactivity adopted by the High Seas Fleet after the Battle of Jutland in 1916. Likewise, it was largely owing to his sense of grievance at having been pushed into the shadows that William attempted to take a leading role in the crisis of 1918. At least in the end he realised the necessity of capitulation and did not insist that the German nation should bleed to death for a dying cause.

Erich von Falkenhayn (11 November 1861 - 8 April 1922) was a German soldier and Chief of the General Staff during World War I.

Falkenhayn was a career soldier. Between 1896 and 1903, he served in China, and saw action during the Boxer Rebellion. Afterwards, he was stationed in Braunschweig, Metz, and Magdeburg, with ever-increasing rank. In 1913, he became Prussian Minister of War, in which capacity he was one of the key players in the genesis of World War I when the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo took place. Like most German military, he did not then count on an overall war, but he very soon embraced it and belonged to those pushing Kaiser Wilhelm II to declare war.

Chief of Staff

Falkenhayn succeeded Moltke as Chief of Staff after the Battle of the Marne on 14 September 1914. Confronted with the failure of the Schlieffen Plan, Falkenhayn attempted to outflank the British and French in what has been called the "Race to the Sea", a series of engagements throughout northern France and Belgium with the aim to reach the North Sea coast. The Germans were eventually stopped by the British at the First Battle of Ypres.

Falkenhayn preferred an offensive strategy on the Western Front while conducting a limited campaign in the east in the hope that Russia would accept a separate armistice much easily if it had not been humiliated too much. This brought him into conflict with Hindenburg and Ludendorff, who favored massive offensives in the east. Eventually, either in the hope that a massive slaughter would lead Europe's political leaders to consider ending the war, or that losses would in the end be less harmful for Germany than for France, Falkenhayn staged a massive battle of attrition at Verdun in early 1916. Although more than a quarter of a million soldiers eventually died — for which Falkenhayn was sometimes called "the Blood-Miller of Verdun" — neither side's resolve was lessened, because, contrary to Falkenhayn's assumptions, the Entente was able to replace their dead with fresh "human material" (the term comes from that time). After the failure at Verdun, coupled with several reverses in the east and incessant lobbying by Hindenburg and Ludendorff, Falkenhayn was replaced as Chief of Staff by Hindenburg.

Paul Ludwig Hans Anton von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg, known universally as Paul von Hindenburg (2 October 1847 – 2 August 1934) was a German field marshal and statesman.

Hindenburg enjoyed a long if undistinguished career in the Prussian army, eventually retiring in 1913. He was recalled at the outbreak of the First World War, and first came to national attention, at the age of sixty-six, as the victor at Tannenberg. Over the next four years he and his chief of staff, Erich Ludendorff, rose in the German public's esteem until Hindenburg came to eclipse the Kaiser himself. Hindenburg retired again in 1919, but returned to public life one more time in 1925 as the second President of Germany, and the last president before the Third Reich period.

The famed zeppelin that was destroyed in the Hindenburg disaster in 1937 had been named in his honour, as has the causeway joining the island of Sylt to mainland Schleswig-Holstein, the Hindenburgdamm, built during his time in office.

Hindenburg was born in Posen, Prussia (since 1919 Poznań, Poland) on Podgorna street, the son of Prussian aristocrat Robert von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg, and his wife, Luise Schwickart, the daughter of a medical doctor, Karl Ludwig Schwickart, and his wife Julie Moennich. Hindenburg was embarrassed by his mother’s non-aristocratic background, and for this reason hardly mentioned her at all in his memoirs. His younger brothers and sister were Otto, born in Aug 24 1849, Ida, born in Dec 19 1851, and Bernhard, born in Jan 17 1859. His paternal grandparents were Eleonore von Brederlow and her husband Otto Ludwig von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg, by whom he was still a remote descendant from the bastard daughter of Heinrich VI, Count of Waldeck.

After his education at the Wahlstatt (now Legnickie Pole) and Berlin cadet schools, he fought in the Austro-Prussian War (1866) and the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871). Hindenburg remained in the army, eventually being promoted to general in 1903. Meanwhile, he married Gertrud von Sperling, also an aristocrat, by whom he had an only daughter, Annemarie. He retired from the army for the first time in 1911, but was recalled on the outbreak of World War I in 1914 by the Chief of the General Staff, Helmuth von Moltke. Hindenburg was given command of the Eighth Army, then locked in combat with two Russian armies in East Prussia. Assigned as his army Chief of Staff was the staff officer Erich Ludendorff, fresh from the siege of Liege on the Western Front.

Hindenburg was victorious in the Battle of Tannenberg and the Battle of the Masurian Lakes against the Russian armies. Although historians attach much of the credit to the then little-known staff officer Max Hoffmann, these successes made Hindenburg a national hero. In November 1914, he was promoted to the rank of field marshal, and given the position of Supreme Commander East (Ober-Ost).

Hindenburg succeeded Erich von Falkenhayn as Chief of the General Staff in 1916, although real power was exercised by his deputy, Erich Ludendorff. From 1916 onwards, Germany became an unofficial military dictatorship, often called the "Silent dictatorship" by historians.

Paul von Hindenburg (left) and Erich Ludendorff. Painting by Professor Hugo Vogel.

In September 1918, Ludendorff advised seeking an armistice with the Allies, but in October, changed his mind and resigned in protest. Ludendorff had expected Hindenburg to follow him by also resigning, but Hindenburg refused on the grounds that in this hour of crisis, he could not desert the men under his command. Ludendorff never forgave Hindenburg for this. Ludendorff was succeeded by Wilhelm Groener, a staff officer who served as Hindenburg's assistant until 1932. In November 1918, Hindenburg and Groener played a decisive role in persuading the Kaiser Wilhelm II to abdicate for the greater good of Germany.

Hindenburg, who was a firm monarchist throughout his life, always regarded this episode of his life with considerable embarrassment, and almost from the moment the Kaiser abdicated, Hindenburg insisted that he had played no role in the abdication and assigned all of the blame to Groener. Groener for his part loyally went along with this in order to protect the reputation of his chief.

Reinhard Scheer (September 30, 1863 – November 26, 1928) was a Vice-admiral in the German navy. He was in command of the Kaiserliche Marine High Seas Fleet at the battle of Jutland, one of the largest naval battles in history.

Scheer was born in Obernkirchen, Germany. He entered the navy in 1879, becoming Kapitän zur See in 1905 and Rear Admiral in 1910. A strict disciplinarian, Scheer was popularly known in the Navy as the “Man in the Iron Mask” due to his severe appearance.

Scheer became chief of the High Seas Fleet in January 1916. On May 30, he led the fleet into the Battle of Jutland. Although not defeating the British Royal Navy, he successfully evaded the destruction of his fleet by the numerically superior Royal Navy, his ships inflicting heavy losses upon the British. Scheer was offered a knighthood for his leadership at Jutland by German Kaiser Wilhelm II, but he turned down that offer (his subordinate at Jutland, Vice-Admiral Franz Hipper who led the battlecruisers, did not turn down such an offer and eventually became Franz Ritter von Hipper). After Jutland, Scheer did not believe anymore that the British could be defeated by the High Seas Fleet in battle, and became a strong advocate of the submarine warfare against Britain.

He retired in 1918 following the Kiel Mutiny and the ensuing revolution in Germany.

In 1899, he married Emillie Mohr. She was murdered October 9, 1920.

In 1920, Scheer's memoirs, Germany's High Seas Fleet in the World War was published in English.

In 1928, Scheer accepted an invitation to visit his old adversary at the Battle of Jutland, Admiral John Jellicoe, in England, but just prior to his trip he died in Marktredwitz. He is buried in Weimar. His tombstone just bears the dates of his life and the single word "Skagerrak".

Erich Friedrich Wilhelm Ludendorff (sometimes given incorrectly as Erich Friedrich Wilhelm von Ludendorff) (April 9, 1865 – December 20, 1937, Tutzing, Bavaria, Germany) was a German Army officer, noted as a general during World War I. After the war, he supported Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party for a time. He was acquitted of criminal charges for his role in the Nazis' unsuccessful Beer Hall Putsch. He became disillusioned with politics and retired from public life in 1928.

In World War I, Ludendorff was first appointed Deputy Chief of Staff to Germany's Second Army under Karl von Bülow. His assignment was largely due to his knowledge and previous work investigating the dozen forts surrounding Liege, Belgium. The German assault in early August 1914, according to the Schlieffen Plan for invading France, gained him national recognition.

The Germans experienced their first major setback at Liege. Belgian artillery and machine guns killed thousands of German troops attempting frontal assaults. On 5 August, Ludendorff took command of the 14th Brigade whose general had been killed. He cut off Liege and called for siege guns. By 16 August, all forts around Liege had fallen, allowing the German First Army to advance. As hero of Liege, Ludendorff was awarded Germany's highest military medal, the Pour le Mérite.

Russia had prepared for and was waging war more effectively than the Schlieffen Plan anticipated. German forces were collapsing as the Russians advanced towards Koenigsberg in East Prussia. Only a week after Liege's fall, Ludendorff, then storming Belgium's second great fortress at Namur, was urgently requested by the Kaiser to serve as Chief of Staff of the Eighth Army on the Eastern Front.

Ludendorff went quickly with Paul von Hindenburg, who was recalled from retirement, to replace Commander Maximilian von Prittwitz, who had proposed abandoning East Prussia altogether. Hindenburg relied heavily upon Ludendorff and Max Hoffmann in crafting victory in the battles of Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes.

In August 1916, Erich von Falkenhayn resigned as Chief of the General Staff. The Oberste Heeresleitung (OHL or "Supreme Army Command") Paul von Hindenburg took his place, with Ludendorff as his First Generalquartiermeister or Deputy Chief of Staff. Ludendorff was the chief manager of the German war effort throughout this time, with Hindenburg his pliant front man. Ludendorff, in a huge strategic blunder, advocated unrestricted submarine warfare to break the British blockade, which became an important factor in bringing the United States into the war in April 1917.

The so-called Third Supreme Command of Ludendorff and Hindenburg, or "Third OHL", was effectively a military-industrial dictatorship, which largely relegated Kaiser Wilhelm II to the periphery. They meddled with domestic politics and forced government ministers to resign, including three Chancellors. Afterward, they held an effective veto over appointments in the state hierarchy.

Russia withdrew from the war in 1917 and Ludendorff participated in the meetings held between German and the new Bolshevik leadership. After much deliberation, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed in March 1918. That same year, as commander-in-chief on the Western Front, Ludendorff planned and organized Germany's final offensive, known as Operation Michael. This final push to win the war fell short and as the German war effort collapsed, Ludendorff's tenure of war-time leadership ended. On September 29, the Kingdom of Prussia assumed its pre-war authority, which lasted until Kaiser Wilhelm II's abdication. Ludendorff fled Germany for Sweden.

Mehmed V (Turkish: Mehmed V Reşad or Reşat Mehmet) (November 2, 1844 – July 3, 1918) was the 35th Ottoman Sultan. He was the son of Sultan Abdülmecid. Like many other potential heirs to the throne, he was confined for 30 years in the Harems of the palace. For nine of those years he was kept entirely alone. During this time he studied poetry of the old Persian style and was a praised poet.

His reign began on April 27, 1909 but he had no real political power. The actual decisions were made by various members of the Ottoman government and finally, during the First World War, by the Three Pashas: Enver Pasha, Talat Pasha, and Cemal Pasha.

Mehmed V's only significant political act was to formally declare jihad against the Allies on November 1914. This was the last genuine proclamation of jihad in history, as the Caliphate lasted until 1924. The proclamation had no noticeable effect on the war, despite the fact that many Muslims lived in Ottoman territories. The Arabs eventually joined the British forces against the Ottomans with the Arab Revolt in 1916.

Mehmed V died on July 3, 1918 at the age of 73. He spent most of his life at the Dolmabahçe Palace and Yıldız Palace in Istanbul. His grave is in the historic Eyüp district of Istanbul. He left two sons: Prince Mehmed Ziyaeddin (1873-1938) and Prince Ömer Hilmi (1888-1935).

İsmail Enver (Ottoman Turkish: اسماعيل انور) (November 22, 1881 in Istanbul - August 4, 1922), known to Europeans during his political career as Enver Pasha (Turkish: Enver Paşa) or Enver Bey was a Turkish military officer and a leader of the Young Turk revolution. Due to his contributions for the revolution, he was given the nickname "The Hero of Liberty"(Hürriyet Kahramanı). He was the main leader of the Ottoman Empire in both Balkan Wars and World War I.

Enver Bey was born to a wealthy family in Istanbul. He studied in different degrees of military schools in the empire and finally he graduated from the Harp Akademisi in 1903. He became a major in 1906. He was sent to the Third Army which was stationed in Thessaloniki. During his service in the city, he became a member of the Committee of Union and Progress. He made important contributions to the proclamation of the Ottoman Constitution (this was the second attempt after Abdul-Hamid II abolished the first constitution in 1878). He went to Berlin, Germany as a military diplomat and there he was affected by the rising military power of Germans and studied on German military doctrine (which he would later use in the Ottoman Army).

Enver Paşa was an architect of the Ottoman-German Alliance, and expected a quick victory in the war that would benefit the Ottoman Empire. Without informing the other members of the Cabinet, he allowed the two German warships Goeben and Breslau to enter the Dardanelles. Pursuit of Goeben and Breslauended with continued diplomacy from France and Russia attempted to keep Ottoman Empire out of the war, but Germany was agitating for a commitment. Finally on 29 October, the point of no return was reached when Admiral Souchon took Goeben, Breslau and a squadron of Ottoman warships into the Black Sea and raided the Russian ports of Odessa, Sevastopol and Theodosia. Russia declared war on Ottoman Empire on 2 November and Britain followed suit on 5 November. Most of the Turkish cabinet members and CUP leaders were against such a rush entry to the war, but Enver Paşa thought that it was the right thing to do.

As soon as the war started, October 31, 1914, Enver ordered that all men of military age report to army recruiting offices. The offices were unable to handle the vast flood of men and long delays occurred. This had the effect of ruining the crop harvest for that year.

War Minister

Enver proved to be ineffective as War Minister and frequently over the next four years the Germans would have to support the Ottoman government with generals such as Liman von Sanders, Falkenhayn, Baron von der Goltz, and Kress von Kressenstein. The Germans also gave the Ottoman government military supplies, soldiers, and even fuel.

Enver Paşa’s message to the army and the people was “war until final victory”. During the war the living conditions were deteriorated rapidly. The empire had growing discontent. The government of Committee of Union and Progress spent much more than it took in and the inflation rate over the four years of war was greater than 1600%.

Defeat at Sarikamis, 1914

Enver Paşa commanded an army only once, that was Battle of Sarikamis. In the Caucasus Campaign, he wanted to encircle the Russians, force them out of Ottoman territory and take back Kars and Batumi. Enver thought of himself as a great military leader while the German military advisor, Liman von Sanders, thought of him as a military buffoon. Enver ordered a complex attack on the Russians, placed himself in personal control of the Third Army, and was utterly defeated at the Battle of Sarikamis in December-January 1914-1915. His strategy seemed feasible on paper, but he had ignored the external conditions such as the terrain and the weather. Enver's army (90,000 men) was defeated by the Russian force (100,000 men) and in the subsequent retreat, tens of thousands of Turkish soldiers died. This was the single worst defeat of a Ottoman army in all of World War I.

Commanding the forces of the capital 1915 – 1918

After his defeat at Sarikamis, Enver returned to Istanbul and took command of the Turkish forces around the capital. The British and French were planning on forcing the approaches to Istanbul in the hope of knocking the Ottomans out of the war. A large Allied Fleet, largely composed of older battleships unfit for duty against the German High Seas Fleet, assembled and staged an attack on the Dardanelles on March 18, 1915. The attack (the forerunner to the failed Gallipoli campaign) left the Turks - and Enver - demoralized. As a result, Enver turned over command to Liman von Sanders, who commanded the successful defence of Gallipoli.

Army of Islam

During 1917, due to the Russian Revolution and subsequent Civil War, the Russian army in the Caucasus had ceased to exist. Meanwhile, Committee of Union and Progress, managed to win the friendship of the Bolsheviks with the signing of the Ottoman-Russian friendship treaty (January 1, 1918). Enver looked for victory where Russia left in the caucuses. When Enver discussed his plans for taking over southern Russia, the Germans told him to keep out. Undeterred, Enver ordered the creation of a new military force called the Army of Islam which would have no German officers. Enver's Army of Islam avoided Georgia and marched through Azerbaijan. Third Army was also moving forward to pre-war boarders.

Third Army, moved towards the Democratic Republic of Armenia which formed the frontline in the caucuses. General Tovmas Nazarbekian was the commander on the Caucasus front and Andranik Toros Ozanian took the command of Armenia within the Ottoman Empire. Vehib Pasha, forced Armenians to retreat and he also captured Trabzon, where the Russians had left huge quantities of supplies. Then the army turned its face to Georgia.

Army of Islam, under the control of Nuri Pasha, moved forward and faced with General Lionel Charles Dunsterville at Baku. General Dunsterville ordered the evacuation of the city on September 14, after six weeks of occupation, and withdrew to Iran; most of the Armenian population escaped with British forces. Ottomans and theirs Azeri allies, after the Battle of Baku, entered the city on September 15.

However, after the Armistice of Mudros between Great Britain and Ottoman Empire on October 30, Ottoman troops were substituted by the Triple Entente. These conquests in the Caucasus counted for very little in the war as a whole.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881 – November 10, 1938) was an army officer, revolutionary statesman, the founder of the Republic of Turkey and its first President. Mustafa Kemal established himself as a successful military commander while serving as a division commander in the Battle of Gallipoli of World War I. Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire at the hands of the Allies, and the subsequent plans for its partition, Mustafa Kemal led the Turkish national movement in what would become the Turkish War of Independence. His successful military campaigns led to the liberation of the country and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. Mustafa Kemal implemented what are known as Atatürk's Reforms which led to sweeping changes in the political, economic and cultural sphere of the Kemalist state, striving to create a modern, democratic and secular state based on Western principles of governance.

His birth name is "Mustafa". He acquired "Kemal" as a middle name during his elementary school years. He was known as Mustafa Kemal or commonly "Kemal Pasha", until his resignation from his post in the Ottoman Empire. During the independence war the Turkish National Assembly assigned him the title Gazi, hence "Gazi Mustafa Kemal". With the passage of surname law on November 24, 1934, he asked to acquire the surname "Oz", but presented by the Turkish National Assembly with the surname "Atatürk" (meaning "Father Turk" or "Ancestor Turk"), hence Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.[1] He is revered by the people of Turkey as the Father of the Nation.

Mustafa Kemal commanded 19th division at Battle of Gallipoli, which he faced with nearly all the landings

In 1914, the German Marshal Otto Liman von Sanders was assigned by the defence of the Dardanelles in command of the 5th Army. Mustafa Kemal was subsequently promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to 5th Army. With his division stationed in Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal found himself at the centre of the Allies attempt to force their way on the peninsula.

On 8 January 1915, the British War Council decided to launch an operation "to bombard and take the Gallipoli peninsula with Istanbul as its objective". Between 19-25 February, during an initial British scouting, a sergeant named "Mehmet" rushed a British sailor with a rock, when his rifle was jammed. Mustafa Kemal publicized this incident to improve the morale of his soldiers and gave birth to the term "Mehmetçik", which is used today as a nickname for Turkish soldiers.

Mustafa Kemal, by holding off the allied forces at Chunuk Bair, earned the rank of Colonel during these first stages of landings. The second stage of the Gallipoli campaign, which was opened on August 6, put Mustafa Kemal only three hundred meters (0.18 miles) away from the firing line. He was the commander at many major battles like Battle of Chunuk Bair, Battle of Scimitar Hill, Battle of Sari Bair, and during the Landing at Anzac Cove. On 25 April 1915 (Anzac Cove), he met the enemy in the hills, held them, and retook the high ground. Largely owing to him and his command, the Australian and New Zealand forces were contained and the landing force failed to reach its objectives.

Those heroes that shed their blood and lost their lives… you are now lying in the soil of a friendly country. Therefore rest in peace. There is no difference between the Johnnies and the Mehmets where they lie side by side here in this country of ours… You the mothers who sent their sons from far away countries, wipe away your tears. Your sons are now lying in our bosom and are in peace. Having lost their lives on this land they have become our sons as well.

The evacuation was the greatest Allied success; on the Ottoman Empire side Halil Sami (9th division) at Cape Helles, Esat Bülkat (III Corps), Yakup Şevki Subaşı (XV Corps), Otto Liman von Sanders (5th Army) and Enver Pasha (Minister of War) had significant achievements based on their role toward the defense of straits. However, Mustafa Kemal became the outstanding front-line commander and gained much respect from his former enemies for his chivalry in victory. The Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Memorial has an honoured place on ANZAC Parade in Canberra, Australia. Mustafa Kemal's commemorating speech on the loss of thousands of Turkish and Anzac soldiers in Gallipoli stays at Anzac Cove.

Caucasus Campaign, 1916

Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in Edirne until April of 1916. Most historians believe that Enver Pasha deliberately delayed his promotion.

On April 1, 1916, Mustafa Kemal was given the command of XVI corps of 2nd Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign, with the rank of Brigadier General. In 1916 the Russian Caucasus army had two branches. Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich was in the north and moving toward Trabzon while pushing the 3rd Army. 2nd Army was on the south facing the insurgency and two organized military forces; the Russian army under General Tovmas Nazarbekian and the detachment Armenian volunteer units controlled by Andranik Toros Ozanian. When Mustafa Kemal was assigned to his post, these forces were in constant advance and an Armenian provisional government was formed with a progressive autonomous region The Armenian administration was growing from its initial set up around Lake Van. When Mustafa Kemal arrived to the region, Aram Manougian was controlling occupied regions since the beginning from the early Van Resistance. The initial stages of the Battle of Bitlis and the Battle of Muş were already developed and these centers were captured by opposing forces. The region was inhospitable at the best of times. Communication lines were under insurgency attacks. It was hard to find craftsmen to fix things. Kurds were roaming round towns whose social fabric had been destroyed. Hundreds of thousands of refugees, many of them Kurds, which had bitter relations to Armenian units, came flooding in front of the advancing armies. Mustafa Kemal's initial task was to bring order to the scared people so that his corps could function during this human suffering. Mustafa Kemal had so strengthened the morale of his force, following its defeat, that within five days his two divisions captured not only Bitlis but the equally important town of Muş, greatly disturbing the calculations of the Russian Command. But Izzet, on other parts of the front, failed to match these successes. In September, he retreated from Muş under the heavy advance of Russian army and Armenian volunteer units. However, he could claim the only Turkish victory in a round of defeats. That same year as recognition of his military achievement and the improvement of stability of the region, he was given the medal golden sword of the order of "Imtiyaz".

During his command, Mustafa Kemal concentrated on inspection of the hospitals to check the wounded and the mosques which became the centers for helping refugees, alongside the strategic goal of confining the enemy within the mountainous region. On March 7, 1917, he was appointed from command of XVI corps to the command of 2nd Army.

Sinai and Palestine Campaign, 1917

Sinai and Palestine Campaign in 1918, which Mustafa Kemal was commanding 7th Army from Nablus.

His command of the 2nd Army was cut short, as he was transferred to Sinai and Palestine Campaign. He was assigned to the 7th Army. After a short visit to the 7th Army HQ, he returned to Istanbul on October 7. He joined the crown prince Mehmed Vahdettin on a visit to Germany. During this trip he fell ill and stayed in Vienna for medical treatment.

He returned to Aleppo on August 28, 1918 and resumed the command of the 7th Army. His headquarters were in Nablus Palestine. He was under Liman von Sanders, whose group headquarters were in Nazareth. Mustafa Kemal studied Syria thoroughly once again and visited the front line. His conclusion was that Syria was in a pitiable state (the 1915-1917 period had left 500,000 Syrian casualties to famine.)[9] There was no Ottoman civil governor or commander. There was an abundance of English propaganda and English secret agents were everywhere. The people hated the government and looked forward to the arrival of the English as soon as possible. The enemy was stronger than his forces were in men and equipment. He said "We are like a cotton thread drawn across his path."

Mustafa Kemal had Arab Revolt in his hand, which was organized by Great Britain. Liman von Sanders lost the Battle of Megiddo leaving 75,000 POW behind just on the first day. Now, Allenby and Mustafa Kemal's 7th Army were face to face. Mustafa Kemal retreated towards Jordan. In a couple of days, the total size of the deserters reached to 300,000. Mustafa Kemal's war was changed drastically from fighting against allies to fighting against disintegration. After a furious telegram to Sultan, "if a fool like Enver Pasha had not been the director-general of operations, if a commander like Ahmet Cemal Pasha — who abandoned the army — were not at the head of military force, if above them we did not have a group headquarter leader like (Liman von Sanders) that lost the control within the first day of the battle... Now there is nothing left to do but to make peace. Mustafa Kemal was appointed to the command of Yıldırım Orduları, replacing Liman von Sanders. He established his headquarters at Katma and succeeded in regaining control. He managed to resist at south of Aleppo, at the mountains. He stopped the advancing British forces (last engagements of the campaign), which Mustafa Kemal's line became base of the peace agreement. Mustafa Kemal's last active service to Ottoman Empire was organizing what was left behind in the southern part.

Partitioning of the Empire, 1918

On 30 October 1918 the Ottomans capitulated to the Allies with the Armistice of Mudros. Beginning with the armistice, the creation of the modern Arab world and Turkey began. As a reaction to the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish people waged an independence war to create the modern Turkey as soon as possible. The Arab rejection of the armistice developed later, which had established the independent Arab countries of Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, Palestine, Jordan, and Lebanon.

At the end of the war, Mustafa Kemal was 37 years old. He was known as a difficult man, ambitious and willful, and finally become the General that had the control of the biggest front, Yıldırım Orduları, but the Yıldırım Orduları was dissolved in compliance to armistice and Mustafa Kemal returned to an occupied Istanbul on November 13, 1918. He was given an administrative position at the Ministry of War.

The English, Italian, French and Greek forces began to occupy Anatolia with the intention of leaving only a part of Central Anatolia as Turkish territory. Occupation of Istanbul along with the occupation of İzmir mobilized the establishment of the Turkish national movement and the Turkish War of Independence.

Ferdinand I of Bulgaria (February 26, 1861 - September 10, 1948), born Prince Ferdinand Maximilian Karl Leopold Maria of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, was the Prince Regnant and later King of Bulgaria as well as an author, botanist and philatelist.

Ferdinand became Tsar of Bulgaria upon that country's declaration of independence from the Ottoman Empire on 5 October 1908 (celebrated on 22 September). The Declaration of Independence was proclaimed at the Saint Forty Martyrs Church in Turnovo.

The two Balkan Wars of October 1912-July 1913 saw the partial reversal of initial Bulgarian territorial gains.

On 11 October 1915, the Bulgarian army attacked Serbia after signing a treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary which stated that Bulgaria would gain the territory she sought at the expense of Serbia. See Serbian Campaign (World War I) for details. At first the war went well, Serbia was defeated and Bulgaria took possession of the disputed land of Macedonia. For the next two years, the Bulgarian army fought a defensive war against the Allied army based in Greece. A small part of the Bulgarian army was involved in the conquest of Romania in 1916.

Then, in the fall of 1918, the Bulgarian army was badly beaten by an attack from the Allied army in Greece. With his army shattered, King Ferdinand abdicated on October 3, 1918. Bulgaria surrendered to the Allies and once again, lost the territory it had fought for.

He died in Burglassschloßen on September 10, 1948 in Coburg, Germany. Ferdinand I is buried there in St. Augustin's Catholic Church.